… For dirt has been rightly defined as ‘matter in the wrong place.’ It is always an outward and visible sign of an inward and spiritual disgrace either in the individual or in our social system.Footnote48 A year after the Sankey Commission, the Miners’ Welfare Fund, under the provisions of the Miners’ Welfare Act of 1920, was established. One pence per ton of coal was directed toward infrastructure aimed at improving the living conditions in mining communities. Progress was slow, however, and another commission was convened in 1925. The Mining Industry Act of 1926 legislated an increase in the levy and included a provision regarding the installation of pithead baths in all British collieries: It shall be the duty of the miners’ welfare committee to secure as far as reasonably practicable the provision at all coal mines, to the satisfaction of the committee, of accommodation and facilities for workmen taking baths and drying clothes.Footnote49 8.30 Prepare pit clothes for father 9.0 Father leaves on night shift 10.30 Prepare pit clothes for son, Jim Rise to get Jim’s breakfast for the 3.30 am shift 6.0 Up to prepare bath for father and breakfast 8.0 Call son, Walter, get clothes ready and breakfast for 9.30 am shift. 11.0 Prepare bath and meal for Jim. 2.30 Prepare pit clothes and meal for William, who is on the 3.40 pm shift 5.30 Prepare bath and meal for Walter. 9.30 Prepare father’s clothes ready for pit.
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It has been pointed out that the introduction of pithead baths at all our colliers would cause a domestic revolution in the mining communities of Great Britain, and could be for the good of at least four million people, or nearly one tenth of the population of these islands. It would increase the self respect of the miner, it would reduce unnecessary work on the part of the miners’ women-folk, and would greatly increase home comfort.Footnote51 In a 1908 issue of the Labour Leader, Katharine Bruce Glasier wrote: When men and women clearly recognise the twin Socialist truths that the only rational object of human industry is the making possible healthy and happy – ay, and noble – human life on a clean and beautiful earth, and that so long as hard and dirty work is necessary for that object we all ought to take a share, then by a strange paradox most of the really dirty and disagreeable work of the world – certainly all the degrading toil and the cruel over-burden of our mothers – will disappear.Footnote52 Glasier’s socialism informed her account of women’s labour and how its exploitation enhanced the bottom line of the mining companies who employed their husbands and sons. Her trenchant critique of the collieries was made possible by a larger understanding of domestic space and how paid and unpaid labour shaped the social relations it maintained. Today, the issues raised by Glasier and other late Victorian and Edwardian socialist women concerning unpaid domestic labour are taken up by proponents of feminist ‘care consciousness.’ Most broadly, the field draws attention to the politics of caregiving and the need for institutions and policies that undertake a collective approach to the care of individuals.Footnote53 In a 2021 essay, Kathleen Lynch, Manolis Kalaitzake, and Mags Crean reviewed 15 years of empirical study in an effort to advance ‘care consciousness’ in the field of sociology, identifying how nurturing work is identified by those doing it and receiving it, and how it is understood in ways that ‘are deeply normative in character.’ Care work remains untheorized, they observe, in part because its logics do not conform to those of capitalism or instrumental rationality.Footnote54 Attention to the politics of care reveal how dominant discourses obfuscate the conditions under which care is given and received, and how those conditions lead to inequalities in care services.Footnote55 There remains a lacunae in both academic and political discourses around caregiving, one that contributes to the perpetuation of systemic neglect and exploitation, both ideological and economic. Feminist analyses of care work reveal how it has been, and continues to be, gendered in essentialist ways, as a capacity innate to women.Footnote56 Women’s caregiving labour is both taken for granted and undervalued, conditions that contribute both to women’s inequality and the invisibility of care as a political subject.Footnote57 In the late capitalist economies of the Global North, middle-class women’s return to the workplace in the late twentieth century deepened historic inequalities of care work by outsourcing it to racialized women from economically marginalized communities, including those of the Global South.Footnote58 A feminist response to these inequalities must attend to the ‘othering’ of care and undertake to re-imagine it.
1 Gary A. Boyd, ‘‘Shining Temples of Health’: Pithead Bath Architecture in Britain 1921–1939’, The Journal of Architecture 27, no. For a concise history of the pithead baths, see Gareth Salway and Ceri Thompson, The Pithead Baths Story (Cardiff: National Museum of Wales, 2010). 2 In his conclusion, Boyd notes that the baths ‘ushered in nothing less than a revolution’ in the domestic lives of women and children. My essay analyses the role that women played in shaping the pithead baths history that Boyd recounts.
Boyd, ‘Shining Temples of Health’: Pithead Bath Architecture in Britain 1921–1939’, 200. Fiona Robinson argues, ‘As an antidote to the values of neoliberalism, care must be recognized as a social responsibility, an attribute of citizenship, and a basis of feminist solidarity.’Footnote59 Feminists justifiably have worried that a focus on caregiving has the potential to reinforce social norms regarding women’s caregiving obligations.Footnote60 A similar problem attends environmental justice theory, where gender has been absent as a subject of investigation among academics and policy makers. Sherilyn MacGregor notes that ‘women as a category are routinely invisibilized in mainstream environmental literature and policy.’Footnote61 The reasons for this exclusion are complex, but stem, in part, from concerns shared by care ethicists. The risk involves repeating the logics of the ecofeminisms and ecomaternalisms associated with second-wave feminism, largely discredited as essentialist and ethnocentric by postcolonial and poststructuralist theorists of the 1990s and early twenty-first century. Julie Sze traces this swerve, using the case of the Love Canal crisis in the early 1990s, when a working-class mother realized that her son’s school had been built on a contaminated site. The story, Sze notes, was criticized for conflating the integrity of the environment with a need to protect (white) mothers and their children. But if environmental justice theorists and policy makers are reluctant to consider women as subjects and objects in their investigations, activists have sustained an ongoing conversation that link the politics of caregiving and the environment, and analyses of their work show how the politics of care and environmental justice are intimately related.Footnote62 Indeed, women have proven to be the key nexus in contemporary struggles, including investigations of the contamination of Inuit women’s breast milk by POPs (persistent organic pollutants), and of the birth defects of infants born in the vicinity of PCB production in California. Studies by Sze and others reveal how toxic exposure constructs the gendered body, as it does in Katharine Bruce Glasier’s assessment of unclean dirt and women’s degradation. A politicized maternalist discourse, Sze notes, reveals that the highly technical knowledge used by regulatory agencies and polluters has an implicit gendered logic, one that effectively bars women from the conversation.Footnote63 The insights of care feminism may provide one way of imagining a revitalized ecofeminist theory, one that recognizes how women’s bodies and labour are environmentally and relationally constituted.
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Read together, environmental justice and feminist care ethics sustain an intersectional view of gender that attends to the specificity of embodiment without collapsing into essentializing discourses or inadvertently reinforcing conventional norms. Katharine Bruce Glasier’s effort to place women at the centre of the pithead showers movement in the early twentieth cenforce 150 uk century provides one early example of what social and environmental justice writing and activism organized around an ethics of care has looked like, historically.
… For dirt has been rightly defined as ‘matter in the wrong place.’ It is always an outward and visible sign of an inward and spiritual disgrace either in the individual or in our social system.Footnote48 A year after the Sankey Commission, the Miners’ Welfare Fund, under the provisions of the Miners’ Welfare Act of 1920, was established. One pence per ton of coal was directed toward infrastructure aimed at improving the living conditions in mining communities. Progress was slow, however, and another commission was convened in 1925. The Mining Industry Act of 1926 legislated an increase in the levy and included a provision regarding the installation of pithead baths in all British collieries: It shall be the duty of the miners’ welfare committee to secure as far as reasonably practicable the provision at all coal mines, to the satisfaction of the committee, of accommodation and facilities for workmen taking baths and drying clothes.Footnote49 8.30 Prepare pit clothes for father 9.0 Father leaves on night shift 10.30 Prepare pit clothes for son, Jim Rise to get Jim’s breakfast for the 3.30 am shift 6.0 Up to prepare bath for father and breakfast 8.0 Call son, Walter, get clothes ready and breakfast for 9.30 am shift. 11.0 Prepare bath and meal for Jim.
2.30 Prepare pit clothes and meal for William, who is on the 3.40 pm shift 5.30 Prepare bath and meal for Walter. 9.30 Prepare father’s clothes ready for pit. It has been pointed out that the introduction of pithead baths at all our colliers would cause a domestic revolution in the mining communities of Great Britain, and could be for the good of at least four million people, or nearly one tenth of the population of these islands. It would increase the self respect of the miner, it would reduce unnecessary work on the part of the miners’ women-folk, and would greatly increase home comfort.Footnote51 In a 1908 issue of the Labour Leader, Katharine Bruce Glasier wrote: When men and women clearly recognise the twin Socialist truths that the only rational object of human industry is the making possible healthy and happy – ay, and noble – human life on a clean and beautiful earth, and that so long as hard and dirty work is necessary for that object we all ought to take a share, then by a strange paradox most of the really dirty and disagreeable work of the world – certainly all the degrading toil and the cruel over-burden of our mothers – will disappear.Footnote52 Glasier’s socialism informed her account of women’s labour and how its exploitation enhanced the bottom line of the mining companies who employed their husbands and sons. Her trenchant critique of the collieries was made possible by a larger understanding of domestic space and how paid and unpaid labour shaped the social relations it maintained. All of her activism moved in the direction of care.
In an address to railway workers in 1935, Glasier wrote: Personally I have kept my own Socialist faith by the hourly discovery of how jolly life can be when we actively try as William Morris taught us, to do work worthy of a Socialist state as well as work for it politically; even if it be only cleaning up a sink, weeding a garden, or making a child happy, it is as worthwhile as battling for Nursery Garden Schools, the socialization of the whole of our transport system or the scrapping of the Versailles Treaty.Footnote64 was an ‘intellectual’ who never lost her intimate touch with working-class conditions. Brilliantly though she spoke and wrote, it was in her practical achievements that she took pride – in her crusades for pithead baths, for well-planned towns, for nursery schools and school meals.Footnote65 My thanks to Diana Maltz and Trev Broughton for their feedback on an earlier draft of this article. No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Alison Conway is Professor of English and of Gender, Women and Sexuality Studies at the University of British Columbia (Okanagan), Canada.
She is currently serving as Associate Dean, Research, Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in the I.K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences.
Read together, environmental justice and feminist care ethics sustain an intersectional view of gender that attends to the specificity of embodiment without collapsing into essentializing discourses or inadvertently reinforcing conventional norms. Katharine Bruce Glasier’s effort to place women at the centre of the pithead showers movement in the early twentieth cenforce 150 uk century provides one early example of what social and environmental justice writing and activism organized around an ethics of care has looked like, historically. All of her activism moved in the direction of care. In an address to railway workers in 1935, Glasier wrote: Personally I have kept my own Socialist faith by the hourly discovery of how jolly life can be when we actively try as William Morris taught us, to do work worthy of a Socialist state as well as work for it politically; even if it be only cleaning up a sink, weeding a garden, or making a child happy, it is as worthwhile as battling for Nursery Garden Schools, the socialization of the whole of our transport system or the scrapping of the Versailles Treaty.Footnote64 was an ‘intellectual’ who never lost her intimate touch with working-class conditions. Brilliantly though she spoke and wrote, it was in her practical achievements that she took pride – in her crusades for pithead baths, for well-planned towns, for nursery schools and school meals.Footnote65 My thanks to Diana Maltz and Trev Broughton for their feedback on an earlier draft of this article.
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s). Alison Conway is Professor of English and of Gender, Women and Sexuality Studies at the University of British Columbia (Okanagan), Canada. She is currently serving as Associate Dean, Research, Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in the I.K. Barber Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Her most recent book, Sacred Engagements: Interfaith Marriage, Religious Toleration, and the British Novel, 1750–1820, was published by Johns Hopkins University Press in 2023. Her most recent book, Sacred Engagements: Interfaith Marriage, Religious Toleration, and the British Novel, 1750–1820, was published by Johns Hopkins University Press in 2023.
1 Gary A. Boyd, ‘‘Shining Temples of Health’: Pithead Bath Architecture in Britain 1921–1939’, The Journal of Architecture 27, no. For a concise history of the pithead baths, see Gareth Salway and Ceri Thompson, The Pithead Baths Story (Cardiff: National Museum of Wales, 2010).
Today, the issues raised by Glasier and other late Victorian and Edwardian socialist women concerning unpaid domestic labour are taken up by proponents of feminist ‘care consciousness.’ Most broadly, the field draws attention to the politics of caregiving and the need for institutions and policies that undertake a collective approach to the care of individuals.Footnote53 In a 2021 essay, Kathleen Lynch, Manolis Kalaitzake, and Mags Crean reviewed 15 years of empirical study in an effort to advance ‘care consciousness’ in the field of sociology, identifying how nurturing work is identified by those doing it and receiving it, and how it is understood in ways that ‘are deeply normative in character.’ Care work remains untheorized, they observe, in part because its logics do not conform to those of capitalism or instrumental rationality.Footnote54 Attention to the politics of care reveal how dominant discourses obfuscate the conditions under which care is given and received, and how those conditions lead to inequalities in care services.Footnote55 There remains a lacunae in both academic and political discourses around caregiving, one that contributes to the perpetuation of systemic neglect and exploitation, both ideological and economic. Feminist analyses of care work reveal how it has been, and continues to be, gendered in essentialist ways, as a capacity innate to women.Footnote56 Women’s caregiving labour is both taken for granted and undervalued, conditions that contribute both to women’s inequality and the invisibility of care as a political subject.Footnote57 In the late capitalist economies of the Global North, middle-class women’s return to the workplace in the late twentieth century deepened historic inequalities of care work by outsourcing it to racialized women from economically marginalized communities, including those of the Global South.Footnote58 A feminist response to these inequalities must attend to the ‘othering’ of care and undertake to re-imagine it. Fiona Robinson argues, ‘As an antidote to the values of neoliberalism, care must be recognized as a social responsibility, an attribute of citizenship, and a basis of feminist solidarity.’Footnote59 Feminists justifiably have worried that a focus on caregiving has the potential to reinforce social norms regarding women’s caregiving obligations.Footnote60 A similar problem attends environmental justice theory, where gender has been absent as a subject of investigation among academics and policy makers. Sherilyn MacGregor notes that ‘women as a category are routinely invisibilized in mainstream environmental literature and policy.’Footnote61 The reasons for this exclusion are complex, but stem, in part, from concerns shared by care ethicists. The risk involves repeating the logics of the ecofeminisms and ecomaternalisms associated with second-wave feminism, largely discredited as essentialist and ethnocentric by postcolonial and poststructuralist theorists of the 1990s and early twenty-first century.
Julie Sze traces this swerve, using the case of the Love Canal crisis in the early 1990s, when a working-class mother realized that her son’s school had been built on a contaminated site. The story, Sze notes, was criticized for conflating the integrity of the environment with a need to protect (white) mothers and their children. But if environmental justice theorists and policy makers are reluctant to consider women as subjects and objects in their investigations, activists have sustained an ongoing conversation that link the politics of caregiving and the environment, and analyses of their work show how the politics of care and environmental justice are intimately related.Footnote62 Indeed, women have proven to be the key nexus in contemporary struggles, including investigations of the contamination of Inuit women’s breast milk by POPs (persistent organic pollutants), and of the birth defects of infants born in the vicinity of PCB production in California. Studies by Sze and others reveal how toxic exposure constructs the gendered body, as it does in Katharine Bruce Glasier’s assessment of unclean dirt and women’s degradation. A politicized maternalist discourse, Sze notes, reveals that the highly technical knowledge used by regulatory agencies and polluters has an implicit gendered logic, one that effectively bars women from the conversation.Footnote63 The insights of care feminism may provide one way of imagining a revitalized ecofeminist theory, one that recognizes how women’s bodies and labour are environmentally and relationally constituted. 2 In his conclusion, Boyd notes that the baths ‘ushered in nothing less than a revolution’ in the domestic lives of women and children.
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My essay analyses the role that women played in shaping the pithead baths history that Boyd recounts. Boyd, ‘Shining Temples of Health’: Pithead Bath Architecture in Britain 1921–1939’, 200.